（四）部長與參謀總長權力的改變及聯合作戰機制的指揮
The Changes of the Minister’s and the Chief’s Authorities
and the Command of the Joint Operations Mechanism
國防二法固然改變了部長和參謀總長的權力關係，也影響部隊的指揮運作。《國防法》第十三條明確定義參謀總長的角色和設立聯合作戰指揮機構：「國防部設參謀本部，為部長之軍令幕僚及三軍聯合作戰指揮機構，置參謀總長一人，承部長之命令負責軍令事項指揮軍隊。」第十四條則對軍隊指揮事項做出十一點規範，也相當規範參謀總長的工作範圍。再加上由總統而國防部長而參謀總長的指揮過程使參謀總長受部長節制。
The Defense Two Laws has changed the authorities between the Minister
of National Defense and the Chief of General Staff, it has influenced
the military operations of command as well. Article 13 of the National
Defense Law has clearly defined the roles of the Chief of General Staff
and Joint Operation Mechanism, it says “the GSH, established under the
MND, is the advisory body to assist the Minister in commanding and the
mechanism to direct the joint operations. The Chief of General Staff,
under the order of the Minister, is responsible for commanding armed
forces.” Article 14 defines eleven affairs as the military command,
the authority of the Chief of General Staff. Furthermore, the chain
of command which from the President to the Minister and the Chief of
General Staff makes the latter control by the Defense Minister.
《國防部組織法》對《國防法》第十三條有明確的呼應。《國防部組織法》第六條規定：「國防部設參謀本部，為部長之軍令幕僚及三軍聯合作戰指揮機構，掌理提出建軍備戰需求、建議國防軍事資源分配、督導戰備準備、部隊訓練、律定作戰序列、策定並執行作戰計畫及其他有關軍隊指揮事項；其組織以法律定之。」
The ideas of the Article 13 of the National Defense Law reflects
clearly in the Organic Law of the MND. Article 6 of the Organic Law
of the MND stipulates, “the GSH, established under the MND, is the advisory
body to assist the Minister in commanding and the mechanism to direct
the joint operations. The GSH is responsible for proposing needs for
the build-up combat preparedness, suggesting allocation of military
resources, supervising combat readiness, training troops, determining
the order of battle, formulating and executing operational plans, and
other matters concerning command of troops. Its organization should
be set by law.”
參謀總長過去直接領導三軍總部的權力已受到改變。《國防部組織法》把昔日參謀總長管轄的三個軍種改為由部長管轄。同時，各軍種由軍令屬性改為軍政單位。《國防部組織法》第十條規定：「國防部設陸軍總司令、海軍總司令、空軍總司令、聯合後勤司令部、後備司令部、憲兵司令部及其他軍事機關；其組織以命令定之??。」
The Chief of General Staff used to have direct authority to command
three Services Headquarters. But now the situation has been changed.
The Organic Law of the MND has altered the authority the Chief of General
staff to the Minister of National Defense; meanwhile, it also has changed
the attribution of three Services from command system to military administration
system. Article 10 of the Organic Law of the MND stipulates, “the MND
establishes the Army General Headquarters, the Navy General Headquarters,
the Air Force General Headquarters, the Combined Services Force General
Headquarters, the Military Police Command and other military organizations.
Their organization should be set by directives.”
組織的調整可能使建軍備戰和指揮作戰產生四個影響。10第一是過去指揮鏈被分割。過去，各軍種附屬於參謀本部時，屬於軍令單位。國防二法使各軍種隸屬於國防部長之下，屬性上變成軍政單位。我國參謀本部在設計上沒有實質整合各軍種負責人，這使各軍種脫離了參謀本部軍令系統的指揮鏈，在作戰型態、構想及指導均未調整的情況下，存在有指揮功能瓦解的風險。
The organizational adjustment possibly causes the four influences
in the military build-up, combat preparedness, and operational command.10
First, the previous chain of command had been divided.
In the past, the three Services, which were under the General Staff
Headquarters, were situated within the military command system. Conversely,
under the Defense Two Laws, the three Services now attribute to military
administration system, which are under command of the Defense Ministry.
There is virtually no design of a chief in the GSH for integrating the
chiefs of various Services, and hence the Services have be departed
form the original chain of command of the military command system, which
under command of the GSH. It exists the high risks that the command
functions
might be collapsed when the operational patterns, concepts and guidelines
were not been adjusted.
第二是建軍體系橫向脫節，而使軍政軍令軍備三者協調無間越來越重要。「打、裝、編、訓」為我國建軍的一貫原則。過去，在具體分工上，參謀本部下的聯三管「打」，聯五管「裝、編」，各軍總部管「訓」，體系完備、功能整合。然而，國防二法施行後，「打」仍留在參謀本部，「裝」改屬軍備局，「編」在國防部本部，「訓」則在脫離參謀本部後之各軍總部，造成體系互異、功能分離，訓用難以結合的現象，不利戰力整建與提升。
The second problem is the horizonal disconnection of the military
systems and the need to improve the coordination between military administration,
command, and armament systems. The principle of our military build-up
is based on so-called ”fighting, equiping, organizing, and training”.
In the past, practically, J-3 of the GSH is in charge of ”fighting”,
J-5 is in charge of ”equiping” and ”organizing”, and headquarters of
three Services are in charge of ”training”. The system is comprehensive;
each fuction is fully integrated. However, after the implementation
of the Defense Two Laws, the ”fighting”
still belongs to the GSH; the ”equiping” now belongs to the Bureau of
Armament; the ”organizing” belongs to the MND, and ”training” belongs
to each Services HQs which is now departed from the GSH. Now the systems
are disintegrated; functions are seprated, training and use are disconnected.
It is disadvantageous for build-up and improve military capabilities.
第三是可能的作戰權責明顯不分。軍隊裡指揮權的發揮，要靠領導統御，指揮官應依據對所屬的瞭解，擇優選派及撤換不能貫徹命令的下級指揮官。國防二法施行後，參謀本部無人事及後勤補給權，形成有責無權的指揮機構；又作戰部隊於戰時方臨時編配予參謀本部，實難以建立指揮倫理及默契，但參謀總長卻需負作戰成敗責任，權責明顯不符。
Thirdly, the authority military command is unclear. The utilizations
of the military command should be relied on leadership. The commander,
according to his fully understanding of his subordinates, can appoint
the competent ones and replace the incompetent ones who are unable to
carry out his order. Since the implement of the Defense Two Laws, the
GSH did not have the authority of arranging the personnel and logistics
system. The GSH becomes a command mechanism without respective
authorities. Furthermore, the combat troops would be suddenly assigned
to the GSH only when the war started. Sequentially, it was extremely
difficult to establish the commanding understanding between them though
the Chief of General Staff was responsible for the outcomes of military
operations. Hence, the unbalance between the GSH’s authority and responsibility
is quite clear.
第四是平戰轉換難度增高。台澎金馬防衛作戰具有「預警短、縱深淺、決戰快」及「初戰即決戰」的特質，故平戰功能可否立即轉換為作戰成敗的首要考驗，國防二法律定的指揮權責，影響平戰轉換的計畫與整備，不利於初戰戰力的發揮。
Finally, it may be found very difficult to transform the peacetime
situation to wartime situation. The defense of Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen,
Matsu has the significances of “early warning is short, strategic depth
is shallow, decisive campaign is immediate” and “the first battle is
the decisive battle.” Hence, the ability to transform the peacetime
situation to the wartime situation immediately is the primary factor
of the outcomes of war. The command authority and responsibility,
which are stipulated by the Defense Two Laws, seriously affect the preparations
and plans of such a transformation. It is disfavor
for us to utilize our military strength at the initial stage of war.
（五）文人參與國防部
Civilian in the MND
民主國家的國防部皆有大量文職人員，且文職人員負擔非常重要，乃至於決策性的工作。我國過去由於觀念不足，及體制的不正常，國防部門全由軍職人員負責。文職人員僅負責祕書性質工作，或僅是約聘性質，而不屬正式國防部正式人員。
There are considerable civilian employees in the defense ministries
in the democratic countries, and the civilian employees usually serve
as the important even decision-making positions. The lacks of proper
ideas and the abnormal system have resulted in the consequence that
the MND entirely employed the military officers. The civilian officers
only served as clerk or are merely contract-employed, instead of the
formal officers.
然而，新的《國防部組織法》將打破陳規。《國防部組織法》第十五條規定：「本法修正公布後三年，文職人員之任用，不得少於編制員額三分之一。但必要時，得延長一年。」這將開啟文職人員大量參與國防部工作的契機。
Nevertheless, the new Organic Law of the MND has broken down the
outmoded conventions. Article 15 of the Organic Law of the MND stipulates,
“the employment of the civilian employees in the MND shall be no less
than one-third of total employees within the three years after the amended
article has promulgated; it is allowed to extend one year if necessary.”
It will enlarge the opportunity for considerable civilian employees
in the MND.
然而，國防部即將面臨兩大問題。第一，何處去找到大量具有公務人員任用資格，且具有相關國防專業知識和能力的文職人員。這個問題或可透過舉辦特別考試，使軍職人員轉任為文職人員而暫時解決。但是，這樣做是否把過去的積習帶到新的單位。第二個問題或將更難處理。那就是，在國防部門內，文職人員和軍職人員很可能因為所受訓練、價值觀和文化的不同而產生組織性的磨擦和緊張。類似文化磨擦的問題曾經發生在其他轉型的單位。這表示，未來幾年內，國防部部本部因為引進文職人員可能形成組織上的文化、價值、和倫理磨合問題。
There are two problems that the MND is going to deal with. The first
problem is that it is difficult to seek considerable civilian employees
with defense expertise, and at the same time qualified for being civil
servants. Although the first problem might be resolved temporarily through
holding a specific examination to reassign the military officers to
the civilian officers, the fear of bring old bureaucracy to new posts
still exists. The second problem can be even more tricky. It is very
likely that the difference in training, culture and values between the
military and the civilian will result in serious adversary and tension.
Similar problems had been observed in other transforming organizations.
In other words, in coming years as the MND introduce more civilians,
many values,cultural and ethical issues will cause drastic organizational
changes.
（六）軍事戰略的制定
Formulation of Military Strategy
軍事戰略的設計與制定涉及的層面非常廣，而且需要耗費非常長的時間才能調整完成。因此，各國對軍事戰略的設計與制定都非常謹慎，以免導致浪費龐大資源，甚至因為不當設計影響國家軍事安全。這特別是台灣處於特殊微妙狀況，使軍事戰略的制定尤其困難。
The design and formulation of military strategy involves extensive
aspects, and always takes a long time to take shape. So nations always
carefully design and formulate their own military strategy in case of
wasting enormous resources or jeopardizing national military security
because of improper design. In the case of Taiwan, it is particular
difficult to make military strategy due to its sensitive situation and
circumstance.
政黨輪替可能增加軍事戰略設計與制定的困難度。每一位總統候選人於競選時都必須有包括國防政策在內的各項政策白皮書，而候選人在擬定國防白皮書時，其出發點除了包括個人對國防政策的構想外，更可能涉及競選語言的使用，以簡單、易懂、有號召力為主。然而，這些政見卻可能和既有政策難以契合，甚至困難度非常高。
Power transition may increase the difficulty in designing and formulating
military strategy. Presidential candidates usually propose various policy
white-papers including one containing national defense strategy. These
defense white-papers are normally their views on defense strategies,
sometimes with clear and power slogans depending on the types of campaign
languages in use. Yet, these platforms may not square with existing
policies, and often times being unrealistic and infeasible.
問題發生在，候選人當選後是否要貫徹他難以兌現的國防政見。如果要求兌現政見是否和既有軍事戰略產生衝突？即將新任的國防部長是否應該貫徹或調整政見？參謀總長做為常任軍官系統的最高軍官應該如何恰如其分地扮演起角色？這都對政黨輪替後軍事戰略的設計和制定帶來挑戰。
The problem lies in whether or not candidate-elected will realize
his own defense vision. Is the vision in contrast with existing military
strategies? Should the future defense minister carry out or adjust the
vision? Being the highest military commander, how should the Chief of
General Staff play his role properly? All these problems will become
challenges to the design and formulation of military strategy after
power transition in Taiwan.
（七）國家安全政策與國防政策的協調
Coordination between National Security Policy and Defense Policy
從某個角度而言，國家安全政策和國防政策在未來需要協調的程度越來越密切。這使國家安全會議所扮演的角色可能越來越高，也使國防部在政策面必須配合整體政策。這特別是我們才發生政黨輪替，政策協調機制才開始。
From certain point of view, the need to coordinate between national
security policy and defense policy has grown stronger, so the role of
NSC is more significant then before. The MND also has to act in
accordance with the overall policy accordingly. Such coordinating mechanism
just start functioning after power transition took place in our country.
典型的例子是針對美國國防部公佈的《核武態勢評估》引發的爭議。湯部長面對媒體詢問我國對美國《核武態勢評估》反應時，提出「五不原則」做為回應。然而，這個回應似乎引起更多爭議：媒體報導，其他國家安全部門有不同看法。如果媒體的報導正確，則未來國防政策和國家安全政策間的密切協調有其必要性。
The model case is the controversy over Nuclear Posture Review proposed
by the US DoD. When facing inquiry by the media, Minister Tang addressed
“Five No Principles” in response. But his response raised more disputes:
it is reported that other security agencies hold different opinions.
If the report is accurate, the harmony between national security policy
and defense policy needs to be addressed.
（八）社會議題被引進軍隊
Social Issues in the Military
廣義而言，軍文關係也包括軍隊和社會的關係，因為軍隊如何處理部隊裡的社會性議題影響政治領導人和軍隊的關係。從這個角度來說，軍隊和社會的關係也應該被觀察。隨著台灣社會發展，以及軍隊和社會的互動越來越密切，某些社會議題必然在軍隊出現。這些問題的處理是未來軍文關係的挑戰。
Broadly speaking, civilian-military relations contains the relationship
between army and society, so as a result, how the military deals with
social issues will influence the relationship between political leaders
and the army. From this point of view, such interaction needs our attention.
The more the Taiwan’s society develops, the closer the interaction is
there between the army and the society. Some social issues have begun
to involve the army as well, presenting great challenges towards future
civilian-military relations.
典型的例子是同性戀議題。不久以前，國軍憲兵出現過「同性戀者能否服憲兵役」的問題。最後，由國防部聲明同性戀者可以擔任憲兵而收場，沒有引起太多政治性爭議。但是，美國前總統柯林頓於贏得總統選舉，並擬兌現競選時「使同性戀在軍中合法化」的政見時，遭到美軍高階將領反對，而引發軍事領導人是否挑戰美國總統憲法賦予權力的爭議。
Homosexual issue is a model example. Not before long, the question
of “whether or not can homos serve as military policemen” emerged within
the military. The event ended up with an announcement by the MND claiming
that homos can serve as military policemen without igniting too many
political disputes. However when former US President Bill Clinton won
the election and intended to legalize homosexuality in military, he
encountered strong opposition from high-level flag officers. Many people
start to question that the president’s power invested by the constitution
is being challenged among military leadership.
（九）軍隊與社會的離異
Alienation Between Military and Society
隨著台灣產業大量外移，造成失業人數增加，及貧戶的增加。其可能的後果是，台灣經濟的均富程度可能降低，中產階級減少，而貧富兩極化趨勢可能拉大。另一方面，台灣受到中共軍事威脅程度有增高趨勢，同時，社會上有關採取募兵制的呼聲有增高趨勢，以因應高科技武器裝備的引進。
The outflow of the Taiwanese business has given rise to higher unemployment
rateand more poor population. Likely outcomes are the unequal distribution
of wealth,fewer middle class and widening rich-poor gap. Moreover, the
military threat from the PLA has been escalating at the same time. More
and more people are calling for conscription system to respond the introduction
of state-of-the-art technologies.
但是，上述兩種現象的出現，會導致何種結果值得注意。以美國而論，許多透過募兵制加入軍隊的兵大多來自中下階層，形成窮人當兵的現象。在波斯灣戰爭時期，美國媒體甚至諷刺美國軍隊是黑人軍隊。由於集體屬性，這使軍隊與社會可能產生鴻溝。類似現象是否會因為台灣經濟的變化發生在我們軍隊上？這對軍隊和社會產生何種衝擊？這都是值得我們注意的。
However, it is worthwhile to notice the possible consequences attendant
on the above phenomena. Take the US as an example, many enlisted soldiers
are from mid-to-low class families that has lower income. During the
Gulf War, the media even criticized that the US armed forces being black
forces. This attribute will end up with a huge gap between the military
and the society. Is the Taiwan’s military going to face the same situation
because of its economic change? What implications will such change
bring to the military and the society is worth noticing.
（十）總統統帥權的範圍
Scope of President’s Commanding Power
我國憲法規定，總統是三軍統帥。這點毫無疑問。問題是，總統統帥權的範圍何在？總統應該如何行使統帥權？這些或是仍有釐清的空間。
Our constitution stipulates that president is the commander in chief
of the Arm Forces. It is undoubted. But the real problem lies in what
scope our president’s commanding power is? How the president should
exercise his commanding power? It seems that there is some room for
further discussion.
因為統帥權的行使涉及其他相關權力，進而影響軍隊的政治中立、專業需求、與團體士氣維持。這特別是，未來我國總統兼任政黨領袖可能成為政治常態時更是重要議題。同時，總統的人事任免不免都具有政治考量色彩，這使總統任命將領時如何兼顧政治需求、專業需求、與團體士氣三者微妙的關係成為重要議題。
For the exercise of commanding power involves other related power,
and may further effect polictical neutrality, professional requirement
and morale of the army. Especially, it would become an important issue
after the president come to his party leader as a future trend. In the
meantime, political factors always influence the President’s appointments,
so how to acheive balance among polictical neutrality,
professional requirement and morale become a critical issue for the
President.
結論
Conclusion
國防二法的實施使中華民國國防體制走向新的里程碑。其調整了過去權責不一，賦予國防部長應有的權力。也使國防部門的設立完全整合到憲法與法律的架構內。同時，二法也因應科技發展趨勢，使軍備成為國防體系的重要組成部門，強化了軍備發展能力。
The Defense Two Laws have resulted the ROC defense system into a
new level. The laws have adjusted the unbalanced authority and responsibility,
which gives the authority that the Defense Minister deserves and have
completely integrated the defense departments into the constitutional
structure. Meanwhile, the Defense Two Laws also include the armaments
department among the defense systems to consolidate the capacities of
armaments development.
然而，如同任何組織的調整一樣，國防二法的實施必然產生新的問題。除了憲法層次的國防指揮權責仍然不甚明確，及國防部內決策分工不甚清楚外，11更重要的是組織調整後對作戰指揮的影響，因為，任何設想良好的國防組織必須經歷戰爭的考驗。同時，憲法層次和國防部內部決策分工涉及修改《憲法》和法律，短時間內決無可能解決。
However, like other adjusted organizations, the implementation of
the Defense Two Laws also cause other problems including the uncertainty
of the authority and responsibility within the chain of command at the
constitutional level, the unclear boundary of different policy-making
within the MND.11
The worse problem is that it might affect the operational command
after the organizations had been adjusted. Any well-designed defense
organizations must be experienced the test of war to prove their functions.
In addition, the levels of constitution and the specialization of decision-makings
need to amend the Constitution and related laws. It is nearly impossible
to be solved in a short time.
目前，最棘手的是國防部應儘速解決組織調整後的運作問題。這涉及組織的最基本問題：文化磨合與工作流程。具體而言，這包括：如何解決各個單位內文職人員與軍職人員價值文化差異，使彼此得以共事；各單位內具體工作內容與工作方法的擬定；各單位間工作程序與流程的安排，及此程序是否可行；及經過這些程序我國國防效能是否提高等。
Currently, the MND should mainly emphasize on the operational problem
after the organizations has been adjusted, which involves the following
problems: the conflicting culture and working procedures. Specifically,
the problems include that how could the civilian and military employees
to eliminate the culture difference and then to coordinate with each
other; how to plan and arrange the working procedure, and how to measure
the practicability of the working procedure and the possibility to increase
the national defense capacities through the working procedure.
註釋
Reference
1 國防二法皆規定，二法的施行日期由行政院於公布後三年內定之。由於涉及中華民國政黨於民國八十九年五月轉換，及組織權責調整後組織間的摩擦，能否按期實施國防二法的傳說始終不斷。廖天威，「從「國防改革小組」的運作論我國國防體制的改革方向」《財團法人國家政策研究基金會國政研究報告》，憲政（研）○九○—○三六號，中華民國九十年六月二十二日。但是，隨著二法的正式實施，所有的傳言一掃而空。
2 此段取材自胡震亞，「國防法與國防部組織調整」，於<http://www.dsis.org.tw/peaceforum/papers/2000-02/TM0001001.htm>,p.
2.
3 《青年日報》，民國九十一年三月十五日，第六版。
4 除了一般行政官僚和軍隊接受國會全面監督外，情報體系接受監督被視為第三階段發展，也是完成民主化的指標。
5 在我國，參謀總長原本不必接受立法院質詢。但是，大法官會議於民國八十七年七月二十四日做出第四六一號釋憲解釋，認為參謀總長應為國防部長之幕僚長，應到立法院接受備詢。
6 國防部長是否必須是純文人是個值得討論的議題。因為法律的規範，現役軍人不得為政黨候選人助選，因而不易被政黨候選人青睞。反之，退役軍人因不被法律約束比較有機會和政黨總統候選人共事競選，而更有機會被提名為國防部長。
7 有關統帥權的法理討論，請參閱陳新民，「由國防法探究我國統帥權的問題」，發表於財團法人陳隆志新世紀文教基金會於民國八十九年四月一日舉辦之研討會，於<http://www.lccncf…/public_show.asp?title=03.
由國防法探究我國統帥權的問題>
8 有人認為，國家安全會議的設計機制或可避免這個問題，因為，「國家安全會議組織法」第四條規定：「國家安全會議之出席人員如左：一、副總統、總統府祕書長、參軍長。二、行政院院長、副院長、內政部部長、外交部部長、國防部部長、財政部部長、經濟部部長、行政院大陸委員會主任委員、參謀總長。三、國家安全會議祕書長、國家安全局局長」，藉此機制把行政院院長整合到決策裡面，減少總統和不同黨籍政院院長可能的政策衝突和磨擦。
9 以下主要引自丁樹範，「當前純文人領軍的困境，<http://www.dsis.org.tw/peaceforum/papers/2002-01/TM0201001.htm>
10 以下主要引自《自由時報》，中華民國九十年七月二十九日。
<http://www.libertytimes.com.tw/2001/new/jul/29/today-p1.htm>
11 國防部對此有所澄清。在三月份的記者會上，國防部指出，若部長公出，政務性及一般性工作（含軍備），以軍政副部長代理為原則；軍令指揮部分，原則仍由參謀總長負責。主要係考量法定之指揮體係為總統、國防部長、參謀總長，且部長可藉現代化之通信與資訊工具下達決策，
故不宜由副部長代理， 而應授權總長負責。引自 <http://www.mnd.gov.tw/modnews/ref/news910301.html>
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