前言
Introduction

二○○一年九月十一日美國本土遭受多起恐怖攻擊，並因而造成超過三千人死亡的不幸事件之後，使得國際關係論者開始逐漸懷疑：「後冷戰時代是否已經終結？國際政治開始進入了恐懼不安的時代了嗎？」當一九八九年美蘇領導人布希與戈巴契夫共同在「馬爾他高峰會議」宣告冷戰結束時，世人還曾一度樂觀地認為：隨著國際社會成員之間日益頻繁地互動與交流，彼此之間的相互瞭解與依存度也將提高，此後國際武裝衝突的可能性將會大幅度地降低。但是我們隨後發現到的是包括地區民族紛爭在內的許多更為複雜與多樣化的國際問題，層出不窮地發生與持續惡化。
The terrorist attacks in the US on Sept 11, 2001 caused the deaths of more than 3000 people. This tragedy made people start thinking, “Has the post cold war era ended? ” and ”Is international politics entering into the threshold of the terror era? ” After Bush and Gorbachev declared the end of the Cold War in 1989, people were quite optimistic that, ”As long as there are more and more exchange and interactions, it would promote mutual understanding and reduce conflicts.” However, we have observed that the international issues become even more complicated and get worse.

此外，大規模毀滅性武器與飛彈技術的擴散、流氓國家、野心強權與恐怖主義集團，不斷地挑戰既有地國際秩序。1如此一來，在一國所發生的狀況，若不即時加入介入與處理，最後往往很有可能一發不可收拾。中國大陸的現狀即為最佳例證之一。中國的綜合國力在具有歧異性的亞太地區不斷地擴張，並以其龐大市場作為誘因，大肆鼓吹「新國際秩序論」，企圖挑戰美國的世界領導地位；另一方面，其內部政經運作卻依舊不透明、發展的真正意圖也不明確，對於西太平洋地區的自由民主、區域穩定與發展，實構成了最大的威脅。2
Moreover, the spread of weapons of massive destruction and ballistic missiles, rogue states, ambitious powers and terrorist groups continue to challenge the status quo.1 It means that if we do not intervene or deal with sudden national problems immediately they could trigger further crisis. The situation in Mainland China is the example. The PRC’s comprehensive power is growing in the heterogeneous Asia Pacific region. She uses her tremendous market as incentive and promotes her ‘New international order’ to challenge the US’ leadership. On the other hand, her national policy making process is still not transparent and her true ambitions are not clear enough. This makes
the PRC potentially the biggest threat to liberal democracy, stability and development in the western part of the Pacific Ocean.2

基本上，以美國為核心的國際社會已展開對於恐怖份子的「新型態戰爭」。日本作為美國在亞太地區最重要的軍事同盟國家，自然不能置身事外。日本小泉首相在九一一恐怖攻擊事件發生次日，立即致電美國小布希總統，表達支持美方對恐怖份子採取報復行動；並在親自在兩週後前往華府與小布希總統共商相關因應對策。由此可見美日之間緊密的同盟關係。本文主旨除了分析九一一恐怖攻擊事件發生一年以來，日本國內的反恐機制之設計與運作、以及《二○○二年日本最新防衛白皮書》的意涵之外，也將討論近期之內日台之間可能的戰略安全合作方向。
Basically, United States has led international society into starting a new type war against terrorists. Of course, Japan being the US’s most important ally in the Asia Pacific could not stand idly by. Prime minister Koizumi immediately called President Bush after the Sept 11 terrorist attacks and expressed Japan’s support for the US revenge against the terrorists. He also visited Washington DC to discuss the related response policy. This demonstrated the close relationship between the two states. In this text, we will analyze the Japanese Government’s anti-terrorism mechanism and the new Japan’s Defense Review 2002 . Furthermore, we would like to discuss the possibility of Japan-Taiwan security
cooperation in the near future.

發展中的日本反恐機制
Japan’s Anti-terrorism Mechanism Is Underway

第二次世界大戰結束之後，日本政府長期對於外交與安全政策採取較為謹慎保守的態度，這就是著名的「勉強現實主義」。但是冷戰結束不久，日本即遭遇到中國大幅擴張軍力、北韓加速發展核武並試射導彈的所帶來的壓力刺激。直到中國粗暴地進行軍演並干擾台灣舉行首次民選總統之際，日本與美國終於體會戰後以來長期支撐東亞安全的「美日安保體制」，已經面臨不得不改革的時刻。事實上，日本自一九九六年開始所進行的國家安全政策之調整，以及在二○○一年立即參與反恐戰爭之舉，使得日本在亞太安全事務扮演更為積極的國家角色。
Since the end of the Second World War, Japanese Government continues her cautious and conservative foreign policy, also known as “Reluctant Realism.” But Japan faces the PRC’s expanding military, North Korea’s nuclear weapon development and missile tests. But it was only after the PRC threatened Taiwan’s Presidential election by military drills that Japan and United States realized that has they had to time for reform the “Japan-US security regime.” In reality, Japan adjusted her national security policy since 1996 and participation in the anti-terrorism war in 2001 has given Japan a more
active role in Asia Pacific security affairs.

九一一事件前美日安保關係的進程，提供了日本支援反恐戰爭的行動基礎
The Progress of the Japan-US Security Cooperation Provides the
Basis for Japan’s Assistance to the Anti-terrorism War

美日雙方在一九九六年《美日安保宣言》重申：兩國同盟關係的重要性、美國並將持續在亞洲前進部署約十萬人。美日防衛合作範圍由過去的「遠東」改為「亞太地區」及「日本周邊地區」；並隱含包括南海，甚至是南亞地區。到了一九九七年雙方進一步簽署「日美安全防衛新指針」，該約所採用之文字呼應上述宣言，使用「日本週邊地區事態」。3一九九八年一月，經過雙方國防、外交首長與大使商討安全合作關係後，公開發表「六點聯合聲明」，並表達將持續共同進行技術合作以發展「彈
道飛彈防禦計劃」。4
United States and Japan reiterated the importance of their alliance and the US continued stationing of armed forces in the East Asia in the US-Japan Security Declaration of 1996. The coverage of the security cooperation area was changed from in the guideline from “Far East” to “Asian Pacific” and “Areas surrounding Japan.” This implies that the South China Sea and South Asia are covered by the guideline. These two states signed the “The guideline for the US-Japan Security Cooperation of 1997” and continued to use the term ‘situations in areas surrounding Japan.’ 3 After the discussion among the ambassadors, ministers of Defense and Foreign Affairs, United States and Japan announced “Six point Joint Statement” in January 1998 that expressed among others, their technical
cooperation to develop the “Ballistic Missile Defense”.4

事實上，美日同盟在一九九六年以後進一步落實制度化的工作。與新指針相關的《自衛隊法修訂案》、《日美相互提供物品與勞務修訂法案》、《周邊事態時確保日本和平安全之法律措施》（簡稱《周邊事態法》），這三項安保關連法案於一九九九年五月二十四日參議院繼眾議院之後，以多數決獲得通過。5上述法案的立法目的即是為了確保日美安保順利運作，以保衛日本安全。因為根據新指針之規定：一旦周邊事態發生，東京當局必須執行後勤支援與後方搜索救難活動等必要因應措施。
Actually, the US-Japan Alliance has become more institutionalized. There are three major legislations promulgated in 1999, Amendment of JSDF, Japan-US Mutual Goods and Service Providing Law, and the Act for the Situations Occurred in Areas Surrounding Japan.5 The main purpose of these laws is to make sure the US-Japan alliance operates smoothly to protect Japan’s national security. According to the regulations of the New Guideline: Once there is a situation in the areas surrounding Japan, the Tokyo authority should offer logistic service and related response steps.

在《周邊事態法》的實施程序方面，依規定首相應代表整體內閣監督、指揮各行政部門執行因應措施。若首相認為有必要因應，可提出一個包括基本方針、內容、和實施區域的「因應措施方案」，需要地方行政單位及民間合作等事項，再交由內閣會議決定方案，並向國會報告。原則上，「因應措施方案」需先送請國會同意，若情況緊急則可逕行實施。但首相事後須儘速提請國會同意，如國會否決該方案，則內閣須立即終止該因應措施。
The legal procedure of the Act for the Situations Occurred in Areas Surrounding Japan regulates that the Prime Minister represents the whole Cabinet to supervise the administration to execute the related response steps. If he considers a response necessary, he could offer a “response project”, including the basic principle, content, and action area, to ask for the cooperation of local government and civil society. In principle, such a project needs to be approved by the Diet, unless it is an emergency. If the Diet objects it, the Cabinet must suspend that project right away.

另一方面，現行《自衛隊法》已配合《周邊事態法》增補第一百條之十，規定有關後方地區支援事項。第一百條之八亦修改為規定自衛隊至海外協助僑民撤退時，除飛機外亦可使用船舶。日本政府認為：自衛隊法允許國際和平合作，並可依周邊事態法至海外活動，並未違憲。後方支援是為使日美安保與相關協定更有效率，其法源依據也是日美安保條約。自衛隊負責補給、運輸、維修、衛生、警備、通信，過程中為保護自己或執行者的生存權，為此使用最小限度武器。這並不涉及國家自衛權，也不抵觸《憲法》第九條第一項禁止使用武力。由於日本受到非戰憲法約束，無法與美國共同實施境外攻擊。她所能提供的是前進部署基地、分擔駐紮美軍開支、協助蒐集情報、科技交流等。日本憑藉自身的尖端科技與經濟實力可以成為「一個普通國家」，但是普通國家不必然代表軍國主義的復活。
On the other hand, the current JSDF Act has added article100-10 in accordance with the Act for the Situations Occurred in Areas Surrounding Japan to regulate assistance in these areas. Moreover, Article 100-8 has also been amended to allow the use of both airplanes and boats to evacuate overseas Japanese. The view of the Japanese government is that the “JSDF Act” allows Japan to take part in international cooperation to ensure peace. Such activities in aboard or in surroundings areas will not violate the Constitution. This has improved the efficiency of Japan-US security cooperation . In fact, the JSDF is responsible for supplies, transportation, repair, health, vigilance, and communication. When executing the above-mentioned actions, JSDF has the right to use minimum forces. It does not affect the right of national defense or Article 9-1 in the constitution prohibiting
the use of force. Japan cannot join in a US attack aboard because of its “Peace Constitution.”
Japanese government can only provide forward military bases, share the expense of military action, assist in intelligence gathering, technology exchange etc. We believe that Japan can become a normal state on the basis of its high -tech and economic power without resurrecting its militaristic past.

基本上，當前美國強化與日本的安全合作利基包括：（一）日本軍事基地的優良戰略位置；（二）日本經濟規模龐大、工業精進，足以支撐開銷並進行國防科技交流；（三）牽制日本國內高漲的右翼勢力。事實上，美國政府長期評估盟國整體防衛支出、分擔多邊軍事活動之人力與經費等項目，以綜合判斷盟邦的貢獻。在美軍保護傘之下，日本得以在一九九○年代始終維持軍費百分之一的國內生產總額，而在美國全球二十六盟國中排名二十五。以一九九九年為例，日本防衛廳的經費約為四百二十億美元，在所有盟國中排名第二；維和任務援助一億五千萬美元，居所有盟國第四名；人力則有三十名，排名第二十。由此觀之，在此一雙邊軍事同盟關係之中，日本主要扮演的角色是提供經費多於人力。6
Basically, the current crux of US and Japan’s security cooperation includes: (a) the advantageous location of Japanese bases; (b) Japan’s economic and industrial power allow it to support exchanges in military technology; (c) Suppression of increasing right wing politics in Japan. The US government makes long-term assessments of its allies’ contributions to multilateral military action in terms of personnel and monetary contributions. Under US’ protection, Japan was able to keep her defense cost at only 1﹪of GDP in the 1990s. Ranking 25 out of the US’s 26 allies. By 1999, Japan’s national defense budget was about 42 billion US dollars, in ranking 2 among US allies. Japanese government offered 1.5 billion US dollars to participate in PKO operations, ranking 4 among US allies. In terms of manpower contribution, Japan sent 30 people to participate in PKO operations and ranks 20. These figures show that Japan ’s role in the alliance has been primarily to provide monetary rather than manpower assistance.6

日本政府曾於二○○○年十二月提出預算總額為約兩千兩百億五十美元的「新中期防衛力整備計劃」，並宣示之後五年的日本國防軍力增強方向。這項計畫強化對付來自電腦網路、特種部隊及核生化武器攻擊。其主要添購裝備中最受矚目者為四架空中加油機、兩艘神盾艦，兩艘部署直升機之大型護衛艦。日本所引進空中加油機，將使戰機續航距離延伸。防衛廳也將購進一萬三千五百噸的護衛艦（船體前置飛行甲板可以同時出動四架反潛預警機），取代現役之五千噸級護衛艦。日本國會也已通過建造兩艘七千七百噸級宙斯艦的預算以增強日美聯合作戰能力；另一方面，日本國會也正在檢討目前戰區飛彈防衛系統技術上實現的可能性。關於該計劃之政策位階以及主要軍備升級內容，請參閱附表一：
In December 2000, the Japanese government presented US$ 225 billion “Mid-term defense reform plan” in 2000 to strengthen the military. The new defense plan is designed to deal with the cyber attacks and attacks from Special Forces, nuclear and biological weapons. Japan is trying to procure four aerial tankers, two Aegis destroyers, and two large frigates with helicopters. Japanese hope to extend the reach of her fighter airplanes with the use of aerial tankers. The JSD would also import 13500-ton frigates, with four antisubmarine aircraft, to replace the current 5000 tons ones. The Japanese Diet has already approved the budget to build two 7700 tons Aegis destroyers to strengthen US-Japan military capability. Japan is also examining the possibility of establishing a BMD system. As for the New Plan’s policy level and its content, please refer to the following Table: 1

附表一：日本防衛政策位階
Table-1: The Stratum of Japan’s Defense Policy

新中期防衛力整備計劃（平成１３－１７年度） The New Mid-term Defense Program (2001~2005)
防衛大綱 (The Outline of National Defense )
防衛政策基本方針 (The Guideline of National Defense Policy)
日本國憲法 (The Constitution of Japan)	日美安全保障條約 (The US-Japan Security Treaty)	聯合國憲章 (The UN Charter)

附表二：新中期防衛力整備計劃主要內容（2001?2005 年度）
Table-2: The New Mid-term Defense Program (2001~2005)

分類（Service）	種類（Category）	規模（Scale）
陸上自衛隊 (JGSDF)	主力戰車（MBT） 火砲（不包括迫? 砲）（Artillery） 火箭系統（Retropack） 裝甲車（Combat Car） 戰? 直昇機（Combat Helicopter ） 運輸直昇機（ＣＨ－４７ＪＡ） 鷹式飛彈改良型（New Hawk Missile） 新中距離地對空導彈 （New Mid-Range Surface-to-air Missile）	９１ ４７ １８ １２９ １０ ７ ０．２５群（Group） １．２５群（Group）
海上自衛隊 (JMSDF)	護衛艦（Frigate） 潛艦（Submarine） 其他 自衛艦建造計（Surface Craft） （噸? ） 警衛直昇機 （New ＳＨ－６０Ｊ ＆ＳＨ－６０Ｊ） 直升機之大型護衛艦（Large-scale Frigate）	５ ５ １５ ２５ ８．６萬噸thousand tons ３９ ２
航空自衛隊 (JASDF)	攻? 戰? 機升級計劃（Ｆ－１５） 支援戰? 機（Ｆ－２） 運輸直昇機（ＣＨ－４７Ｊ） 空中加油航空機（Aerial Tanker）	１２ ４７ １２ ４

資料來源：日本防衛廳網站
Resources: http://www.jda.go.jp