國防政策評論，第三卷，第一期，二○○二年秋季
Taiwan Defense Affairs, Vol.3, No.1, Autumn 2002

九一一事件發生後，日本支援反恐戰爭的相關作為
Japan’s Participation in Anti-Terrorism War after September 11, 2001

二○○二年二月，小布希總統曾在東京發表演說盛讚日本反恐的表現，並且重申強調美日同盟的重要性。事實上，美國「二○○二年美國國防報告」已表示：由於九一一事件使得遭到未曾有過的恐怖襲擊，美國在包括反恐戰爭在內的世界戰略中，將更加重視駐日美軍基地這樣的遠東美軍基地作用。特別是日本的橫須賀、沖繩現有駐日美軍基地具有珍貴的「戰略立足點價值」。伴隨中國軍事力量增強、北韓發展核武器和導彈、印度和巴基斯坦核戰爭恐嚇等等，美國不得不處理「不穩定弧圈」的亞洲地區中的保障問題堆積如山。
During a speech delivered in Tokyo in February 2002, President Bush praised Japan’s performance in the anti-terrorism war and reiterated the importance of Japan-US alliance. The “US national defense report in 2002” has declared that because of the Sept 11 terrorist attacks, Japanese bases will play more important role in the US’ world strategy against terrorism. For instance, Yosuka and Okinawa military bases particularly have particularly high strategic value. In face of China’s military expansion, North Korea’s development of nuclear weapons and missiles, the threat of nuclear conflict between
India and Pakistan, the US has no other choice but to handle increasingly complicated security issues in the “Unstable Asian Arc.”

二○○二年八月，「日美外交事務副部長級戰略對話」首次在東京舉行。雙方就伊拉克製造大量殺傷性武器達成一致看法：兩國攜手合作要求伊拉克接受聯合國武器核查等一系列相關決議。日本外務省進一步表示：「為了消除伊拉克是否持有大量殺傷性武器的疑慮，國際合作將十分重要。日本在這方面將不遺餘力的進行努力。」另外，本次對話還確認下列三點：（一）美方對日本所提供的一切反恐援助，重申感謝之意；（二）美日希望共同促成中國發展為能與國際社會協調的「負責任國家」﹔（三）日本與北韓今後繼續重開邦交正常化談判，並希望美國與南韓共同促進北韓能夠作出積極回應。7
“Strategic dialogue between deputy ministers of Japan and US “ was held in Tokyo in August 2002. The two sides reached consensus that they would ask Iraq to accept the UN resolutions. The Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs further expressed that international cooperation plays an important role in eliminating the concern about whether Iraq possesses weapons of massive destruction and Japan would fully support this endeavor. The dialogue also confirmed three other points. First, US appreciated Japan’s assistance in the war against terrorism. Second, the two states would jointly push PRC’s development to become a responsible state able to cooperate with international society. Finally, Japan would reopen talks with North Korea to normalize diplomatic relations and hoped that the US and South Korea could encourage North Korea to respond more actively.7

九一一事件發生後這一年以來，日本政府所建立的反恐機制主要有三：（一）行政系統：由首相直接領導「內閣安全保障會議」，並且下設「恐怖主義對策本部」，作為處理突發事件的危機管理小組；（二）國會系統：「恐怖主義對策特別委員會」、「有事法制特別委員會」，也提供了在野黨與社會大眾表達意見的管道。8（三）由於危機管理小組的因應措施大都缺乏法源基礎，因此反恐機制的法制化工作便十分重要。相關的六個主要法案的立法工作進度，以下分別討論之：
In the past year since the Sept 11 terrorist attacks, the Japanese government has established three major anti-terrorism mechanisms. (a) Prime minister leads the “Cabinet level security committee” and “anti-terrorism headquarters” to act as “crisis management group;” (b) the “anti-terrorism special committee,” and “wartime special committee” in the Diet are the channels for the opposition and people to express their opinions;8  (c) Since there is no legal basis for the process of the crisis management group to respond, creating related anti-terrorism legislation is very important. The progress of six related proposals are as follows:

《七項緊急應對措施方針》（二○○一年九月十九日）
Seven Guidelines for Emergency Response (September 19, 2002)

派遣自衛隊為美軍提供醫療、運送、補給等支援；加強日本國內美軍基地與重要設施之警備；派遣自衛隊蒐集情報；加強出入境管理工作與國際情報交換；提供對印、巴的緊急經濟援助；提供阿富汗難民相關人道援助；與各國進行協調，預防國際金融混亂。
The JSDF will provide the US with medical services, transport services, logistics etc assistance and increase vigilance of US bases in Japan, gather information, increase immigration control, exchange intelligence, provide the emergency economic aid to India and Pakistan, offer humanitarian aid to Afghanistan refugees and coordinate with other countries to prevent international financial disorder.

《恐怖主義對策關聯三法》（二○○一年十月二十九日）
Three laws to against the Terrorism (October 29, 2001)

日本政府修改了《自衛隊法》和《海上保安廳法》之中，有關領域警備條款，並放寬了海上警備行動中使用武器的限制。新條款規定，為了追捕海上不明船隻並迫使其停船，可直接對船體本身進行射擊。二○○二年十二月，四艘日本巡邏艇在中國所宣稱的專屬經濟區之內，擊沉一艘可疑不明船隻。該事件正表明，日本政府從法律上和實踐上，已放寬對於使用武力的限制，此舉並創下戰後日本在海上動武的先例。
Japanese government revised the articles in the JSDF Act and the Coastal Guard Act related to guarding the territory of Japan. It relaxed the restriction on JSDF’s use of force at sea. The new article says in order to chase suspicious boats and ask them to stop; the JSDF could directly shoot at the boat. In December 2002, four Japanese coastal patrols sank a suspicious boat in the exclusive economic zone claimed by PRC. This incident showed that Japanese government has changed its attitude to the use of force not only in law but also in practice. It was the first time that Japan had used weapon at sea since World War II.

至於《恐怖主義對策特別措施法》的主要內容有三：在當事國同意之下，自衛隊可以在外國領土內進行活動；自衛隊也將提供補給、運輸、修理、通信以及物品、勞務為其主要活動內容；該法案之時效為兩年，必要時得予以延長但是不得超過兩年。至於《恐怖主義資金處分法》（二○○二年六月五日）則針對提供或是協助運送恐怖主義組織資金的個人或團體，處以十年以下及一千萬日圓的罰金。
There are three major points in the Special Act against the Terrorism. The JSDF could conduct activities in the territory of a foreign country if it had received the permission of the foreign country. JSDF would also provide the logistics, transportation, repair, communication, goods, and manpower etc, related to the activities. The effective period of the law is two-years, but it can be extended if deemed necessary. The law of Terrorist Capital of June 2002 regulates that any person or group that provides or delivers capital to terrorists would be sentenced to ten -years imprisonment or fined ten million Japanese Yen.

二○○二年日本《防衛白皮書》的戰略意涵
The Strategic Implication of
Japan’s Defense White Paper in 2002

日本政府於二○○二年七月發表平成十四年版《防衛白皮書》。新《防衛白皮書》的內容正反映出日本在支援反恐戰爭的前提之下，整體軍事戰略的外向性進一步增強。《白皮書》也繼續呼籲各國對於中國軍力的增強提高警覺，藉以加強說明日本自衛隊有必要脫胎換骨，組成一支強而有力軍隊以面對新世紀可以遭遇到的安全威脅。此次白皮書實象徵著日本戰後國防政策的轉折。新版《防衛白皮書》有以下六個重點：9
Japanese government released it latest Defense White Paper in July 2002. The White Paper states that in order to fight terrorism, Japan will adapt a more aggressive military strategy. It also calls for every country to pay more attention to the expansion of PLA and emphasizes the need for the JSDF to remake itself into a powerful-armed force in order to face the security threats in the new century. This White Paper could be analyzed as a symbol of the adjustment of Japan’s security policy. There are six important points in this new report: 9
（一）日本認為九一一事件是對自由與和平的一次嚴重挑戰，也使得美國將本土防禦放在軍事第一位的措施。二○○一年十一月，日本政府派遣自衛隊前往印度洋與阿拉伯海域支援美軍，因此首次突破了「不得戰時向美軍提供支援」法律障礙。
(1) Japan considers 911 Incident a serious challenge to freedom and peace. It has also made the US make homeland defense its first priority. In November 2001, the Japanese government sent JSD to Indian and Arabian Ocean to support the US military. This was the first time Japan broke the legal limitation to only assist the US military in wartime.”

（二）目前反恐戰爭已進入第二階段，美國將採取長期的軍事行動。此外，美國公開稱伊拉克為「邪惡軸心國家」，不排除對其採取任何手段的可能性。相對於一些歐洲及阿拉伯國家反對的美國攻擊伊拉克一事的態度，正反映日本追隨美國的政策本質。今後日本的國防政策也將以導彈防衛構想為主軸，並且與美國保持一致性。此舉必須尋求更多日本國民的理解。
(2) Since the anti-terrorism war has entered the second phase, US would start to take long term military measures. The US has also denounced announced Iraq as an Evil-Axis State, and will not deny the possibility of taking military action against it. In contrast to some European and Arabian countries’ anti-war attitude, Japan’s policy is to follow the US’s lead. Japan will continue to develop the framework of BMD and maintain a policy consistent with US’s world strategy. Therefore, Japanese government will need to seek public support and understanding.

（三）《白皮書》也提及東海海域不明船隻沉船事件及自衛隊參與「聯合國東帝汶維和行動」。日本宣稱的「劃時代成果」，實際上就是強調突破日本在使用武力、向海外派兵的限制。日本能執行主要維和任務，也使自衛隊開始可以在國際維和行動中，正式和其他大國的軍隊平起平坐了。其目的就是使日本能執行開放性的軍事戰略，能放手使用軍事力量，加快走向正常化大國的目標。
(3) The White Paper also mentions sinking of a suspicious boat in the East China Sea and JSDF’s participation in “PKO in East Timor.” Japan’s so-called “breakthrough of the new century” is the lifting of the restriction against the use of force and sending troops aboard. If Japan plays a major role in PKO, she could formally make JSDF into a normal military force in the international stage. The main consideration of Japan is to open up its military, and use its military strength to quickly achieve its goal of becoming a normal large state.

（四）日本關切中國的國防開支透明度日漸降低，並對中國船隻在日本近海海域的頻繁活動，作出了「為積累中國海軍活動所須的數據，而進行調查和情報收集活動的可能性很大」的判斷。目前日本政府已設立「日本海中部海域可疑船隻對策室」。由於中國解放軍現代化的目標已「超出防衛需要的範圍」，日本政府對此表示強烈憂慮與警戒。10
(4) Japan is concerned with the fact that the PRC’s national defense budget is becoming less transparent, and has assessed Chinese boats’ activities in the Contiguous zone of Japan are likely to be spy activities. Japanese government has set up an “Office Against the Suspicious Boats in the Central Japan Sea” and expressed concern that the PLA’s modernization is more than what she need for defense.10

（五）《白皮書》強調了「有事（戰時）法制」的必要性。特別是應盡早討論相關的國民保護法課題。事實上，自二○○一年一月實施新的行政體制以來，首相在外交、安全事務方面的決策機能已然擴大；外務省與防衛廳實際上只是政策執行單位。
(5) The White Paper emphasizes the necessity of the “wartime system,” and suggests it would be better to discuss the issue of “Law of national defense.” However in reality, since January 2001, the Prime Minister has dominated the decision-making process and made MOFA and JSDF become simply executor of policy.

（六）日本首次在《白皮書》中，明確提出將防衛廳升格為「省」（部）的方針，並且進一步提示了重新修改防衛大綱的方向。目前日本政府新的「有事法制整備機制之決策位階」，係由首相直接主導，並由正副官房長官輔佐安保危機之處置。就日本行政組織而言，防衛廳是? 閣府外局（政府行政機關）之一。防衛廳長官則受首相的指揮監督、負責自衛隊一切業務。若是今後防衛廳升格為「防衛省」，自然將其他內閣所屬單位平等，開始具有防衛廳所不具備的直接向內閣提出法案和人事調整
案的權力，其地位和職能將發生本質上的變化，從而成為落實「國家體制正常化」的第一步。
(6) It is the first time that Japan stated its intention to upgrade JDA to ministry level and corrected the main direction of its Defense Guidelines. The current “wartime system” authorizes Prime Minister to lead the whole government, and the Secretary General with his Deputy to deal with a national security crisis. JDA is part of the Cabinet, and its Head is controlled by the Prime Minister. If JDA become JDM, it would have the right to submit the proposal to the Cabinet directly. This would be the first step toward the “normalization of the State”