國防政策評論，第三卷，第一期，二○○二年秋季
Taiwan Defense Affairs, Vol.3, No.1, Autumn 2002

日台戰略安全合作之前瞻
The Prospect of the Japan-Taiwan Security Cooperation

中國與美日之間，已經存在著嚴重的戰略利益衝突。一九九○年代初期，中日之間因日本參與海外維和行動；中國公布《領海暨毗連區法》，並發展解放軍經略海洋戰略；為爭奪當時美軍準備撤離東亞後所形成的權力真空，而針鋒相對。另一方面，北韓的飛彈威脅也迫使日本政府不得不正視後冷戰時代的日本國家安全問題。在中國肆無忌憚地對於首度實施總統直選的台灣進行武嚇，促成了《美日安保共同宣言》。亞太國家大都抱持對於此舉表達肯定的立場，卻只有中國與北韓強烈反對。北京當局甚至批評美日延續此一冷戰殘餘，將會造成新的軍事對峙局面。11中國認為該宣言與之後公布的美日新指針，實已將中國視為主要敵對國家。12北京在《二○○○年中國國防白皮書》中，強烈質疑「周邊事態模糊化政策」與「戰區導彈防衛系統」，都是企圖圍堵中國，並且鼓勵台灣獨立的陰險技倆。13
There is a serious strategic conflict between US-Japan and PRC. In the early 1990’s, Japan’s participation in PKO, PRC’s new Law of Territorial Sea, PLA’s new Navy plan, all showed that PRC and Japan are competing for power in the vacuum left by the retreating US armed forces. North Korea’s missile threat has also forced Japan to rethink her national security in the post-cold war era. After PRC’s missile test to Taiwan’s first presidential election, US and Japan finally agreed to the US-Japan Security Declaration in 1996. Most Asian Pacific countries reacted positively to this move, but PRC and North Korea are strongly opposed it. The Beijing authorities even criticized that US and Japan, they said that continuing the US-Japan alliance would definitely provoke a new military confrontation.11 The PRC has assessed that the Declaration and the New Guidelines show they the US and Japan have fixed China as an enemy state.12 Therefore, Beijing criticized both Japan’s policy of strategic ambiguity and BMD as aimed at containing PRC and encouraging Taiwan independence in China’s Defense White Paper in 2000.13

當前日本加快走向軍事大國，實有其十分複雜的背景。首先就是日本國家主義思潮的復興。第二次世界大戰結束後不久，美國出於冷戰圍堵政策的需要，對日政策由懲治軍國主義，改為扶持日本展開復甦。然而一九九○年代以來，在右翼勢力持續成長的態勢之下，日本領導人要告別「吉田主義」，進而真正成為「正常大國」的願望日益強烈。14其次，一些日本領導人也企圖以擴大對外軍事作用，以擺脫國民對於國家發展困境的不滿。這是因為日本經濟長期處於低迷狀態，政局也開始變得不穩定，促使東京當局透過加強軍備、以更多地軍事力量介入國際事務，以迎合右翼勢力對於恢復「國家尊嚴」的訴求。第三個主因係近年來美國積極鼓勵日本在參與亞太地區的國際安全事務。15美國小布希總統基於美國的主導地位正遭遇到中國挑戰的認知，因此不斷敦促日本在強化日美軍事同盟上作出更多積極貢獻。16另一方面，日本小泉首相也在二○○二年八月舉行的全國七黨黨首討論會上就中國正
在增強軍事力量一事，特別指出：「長久以來中國擁有核武器，而且沒有放棄武力解放台灣，因此日美安保關係依然十分重要。」17
The background of Japan’s development towards a state with a strong military is quite complicated. Firstly, rising nationalism plays an important role. The US occupation policy of Japan in the early 1950’s was based on its containment policy. Since the rise of right wing politics in the 1990’s, Japanese leaders have been eager to end the Yoshida Doctrine. Instead, they prefer to pursue a vision of a normal large state.14 Secondly, some Japanese leaders have used the JSDF to draw attention to themselves. Because of the poor performance of economy and politics, Tokyo authority are trying to strengthen the armed force and take part in international affairs more actively to respond to the right
wing’s appeal for the restoration of national dignity. Thirdly, the US has encouraged Japan to participate in the Asia Pacific security affairs in the recent years.15 President Bush recognizes that the PRC is trying to challenge US dominant status and has urged Japan to contribute more to strengthen the bilateral alliance.16 Prime Minister Koizumi made a comment about the PLA’s expansion in seven parties leaders’ meeting in August 2002. He said “since China has possessed nuclear weapons for a long time and has not given up the use of force against Taiwan, US-Japan sec urity is still very important.” 17

日本在過去的這一年以來非常積極地建構其反恐機制，以因應國內及國際的全新安全威脅。易言之，九一一事件具有兩項重大意義：其一是重新檢討第二次世界大戰結束以來，日本的國家安全政策；其二則是加速日本有事法制的立法配套工作。這意謂著日本將善用國際反恐情勢，調整出更為積極主動的發展路線。因此日本政府一舉突破海外派兵的限制，並且進一步在多邊安全合作機制中扮演與美國更為平等的參與角色。上述情勢之發展對於我國而言，所可能帶來的啟示，可以分為下述三個面向討論之：
In the past one year, Japan has tried very hard to construct her anti-terrorism structure in order to face this internal and international new threat. The 911 incident has two major implications to Japan: (1) Japan could take this opportunity to review her national security policy; and (2) Japan could also accelerated adoption of related legislation. This means that Japan will use the international anti-terrorism movement to push development. This is why Japan has sent JSDF overseas, and is playing a more equal role in US-Japan relations. Such developments can teach Taiwan three things:

善用國際反恐情勢反思外交暨安全政策
Seizing the Anti-Terrorism and Rethinking Our Foreign and
Security policy

藉由積極響應由美國所主導的反恐戰爭（例如編列相關預算），可以拓展我外交空間，並且進一步擺脫中國對我方之外交封鎖。就美日台三方關係而言，維持西太平洋地區的和平與穩定的現狀，具有共同的利益。因此早日促成「美日台自由貿易區」和「美日台三邊安保機制」，將有利於深化現有之安全連帶關係，並為日後可能的聯合作戰與C4ISR 預作準備。
By fully supporting the US’s leadership in anti-terrorism war, such as planning the related budget, we could not only promote our international status but also break the PRC’s diplomatic blockade. US, Japan and Taiwan have the common interest to maintain the status quo in the west pacific. A “US-Japan-Taiwan Free Trade Area” and the “US-Japan-Taiwan trilateral security cooperation mechanism” would strengthen the current security relationship and prepare for joint combat and C4ISR in the near future.

加快進行國家安全體制的改革
Accelerating the Reform to the National Security System

日本因應反恐機制的重心係強化內閣安保會議。我國其實已有國家安全會議之制度設計，政府當局應善用國際反恐情勢，強化國安會主導相關國安立法工作的主導地位。另一方面，國安會也可考量設置相關作業的專業幕僚小組，專職負責國安法案的草擬及先期性評估工作。行政機關也應把握機會修正可能不合時宜的現行法律。
The heart of Japan’s anti-terrorism mechanism is strengthening the Cabinet Security Council. Since we have the “National Security Council,” we should make good use of the timing to put it in charge of the legislation of related national security law. The NSC could also consider setting up a professional staff group to take responsibility for related legislation. The Executive Yuan also should correct some outdated rules and laws.

呼籲美方促進台日安全關係
Calling US for Promoting Japan-Taiwan Security Cooperation

我們樂見日本在國際事務上扮演更為積極角色，並且期盼台日之間除了能夠持續強化既有的經貿互動。雙方政府為共同面對不斷擴充軍備的中國解放軍與國際反恐新情勢，應秉持「東亞地區安全的連帶意識」，展開定期政治高層領導人的安全對話與互訪，並促成進一步的台日軍事交流。我們也相信此舉不但符合台灣的國家利益，也是美國所樂見的發展方向。
We are glad to see Japan plays a more active role in international affairs and expect to strengthen on bilateral relations. Facing the PLA’s expansion and the anti-terrorism war, both sides should start regular leaders’ mutual visit and dialogue in order for further Taiwan-Japan military interchange. This would be in Taiwan’s national interest but be part of the US’ expectation .

結論
Conclusion

第二次世界大戰結束之後，日本設立防衛廳作為其最高軍事行政機關，並對防衛廳和自衛隊地位與職能加以限制之目的是為了從國家體制上對日本武裝力量進行制約，避免重蹈軍國主義的覆轍。但是從日本針對九一一事件的對策與行動看來，當前日本軍事戰略已由「專守防禦型」轉向「外向擴張型」調整。例如新版《防衛白皮書》有兩項最引人注目的內容。除了首次明確提出將防衛廳升格為「防衛省」之外，並且強調過去一年自衛隊取得的所謂「劃時代成果」：「擊沉可疑船隻」事件、「在印度洋與阿拉伯海進行支援美軍反恐」和「向東帝汶派遣維和部隊」。
After the World War II, Japan set up the JDA as the highest military administration and restricted the status and function of JDA/JSDF. The objective was to control the Japanese armed force and avoid repeating the mistake of militarism. By observing Japan’s response to 911 Incident, we can say that Japan has adjusted her national strategy from “conservative” to “aggressive.” For example, her new Defense White Paper shows two important trends. The Japanese government declared clearly that she will not only upgrade JDA to the ministry level but also emphasized the JSDF’s great achievements: “sunk the suspicious boat,” “supported the US’s combat in Indian and Arabian ocean ”
and “participated in the East-Timor PKO”.

上述發展可能帶來的影響有三：第一、日本積極配合美國全球戰略布局所進行的防衛政策改革，將有利於保持對於美日同盟威嚇中國解放軍的優勢力量。第二、法制化後的日美軍事同盟將會更具穩定性，也將更有利於保障和平的現狀。第三、新《防衛白皮書》強調日本將使用更多軍事力量參與國際事務。日本在推動新防衛政策的過程中，應秉持公開透明化的原則，尋求各方的理解與支持。
There are three major outcomes. Firstly, Japan will continue to follow the US’ lead. Japan’ defense reform will continue US-Japan’s dominant status in west pacific area. Secondly, an institutionalized US-Japan security alliance will become more stable and preserve the peaceful status quo. Thirdly, its new Defense White Paper emphasizes that the JSDF will take a more active part in international affairs. In the process of military reform, Japan should apply the transparency principle and seek for more understanding and support from all parties.

日本將在美日安保關係中，扮演更加積極的角色。一旦台海有事，日本將可能行使「集體自衛權」，並且支援美國的介入行動。18基於此一態勢的發展，台灣實應有更為全面性戰略布局。台灣政府必須說服日本瞭解到雙方在維持台海和平方面，有著共同的利益。日本介入台海問題，並不是被台灣拖下水，而是基於「台海一旦有事，日本終將無法獨善其身」的安全連帶意識。因此日台應儘快建立一套有效安全合作機制。19中華民國台灣的生存與發展，當然應該由國軍獨立自主負起保衛家園的責任。另一方面，基於台日美共通的民主理念與市場價值，我們也相信《美日防衛合作新指針》及其相關日本國內安保法案，對於台灣的安全也具有十分重要的戰略意涵。20
From now on, Japan will play a more and more active role in US-Japan security cooperation. If there is a war between Taiwan and PRC, Japan would probably exercise her “collective defense right” and support US intervention.18 In this regard, Taiwan should develop a more comprehensive national strategy. The Taiwanese government must persuade Japan to realize both sides have the common interest to keep the status quo and Japanese’ intervention in Taiwan Strait Issue is based on the belief in common security. Therefore Japan and Taiwan should build a security cooperation mechanism as soon as possible.19 Taiwan’s armed forces should be responsible for Taiwan’s national security. However, based on the common values that US-Japan-Taiwan share, we also
believe that the new Guideline for the US-Japan Security Cooperation in 1997 and related Japanese laws have very important strategic implications on Taiwan’s safety.20

註釋
Reference